ALEXANDER II., of Judea-Αλέξανδρος της Ιουδαίας

Ασμοναϊκά τείχη στο φρούριο Αλεξάνδρειο

Born about 100 B.C.; died 47 B.C. He was the eldest son of Aristobulus II. and son-in-law of Hyrcanus. Upon the conquest of Jerusalem by Pompey in 63, he and his parents, brothers, and sisters were sent to Rome as prisoners of war. Alexander escaped on the way, and, returning to Judea, endeavored to throw off the Roman yoke by force of arms. Taking advantage of the straits in which the Romans just then found themselves in having to confront disturbances among the Arabs, Alexander took measures to restore the fortifications of Jerusalem destroyed by Pompey, though his action was opposed by the Roman garrisons in the country and by the weakling monarch Hyrcanus. He next secured possession of the fortresses of Alexandrion, Hyrcanion, and Machærus. When he had gathered around him a force of 10,000 heavy infantry and 1,500 horsemen he declared open war against Rome in the year 57 B.C. Gabinius, who had just arrived in Syria as proconsul, immediately sent his lieutenant Mark Antony (the subsequently celebrated triumvir) against him, and then followed with his main army, whose numbers were swelled by Romanized Jews, led by the half-Jew Antipater. Alexander endeavored in vainto avoid a pitched battle. Near Jerusalem 3,000 of his followers died upon the field, while as many again were made captives, and he with a small remnant escaped to the fortress of Alexandrion. Although promised full pardon, he rejected Gabinius' summons to surrender; and only after a brave defense against the united efforts of Gabinius and Mark Antony did he capitulate upon condition of retaining his liberty. This result of his futile resistance to the Romans was followed by no further personal suffering for him; but it was different with the Jewish people. Even the nominal independence which Judea had hitherto enjoyed under its quasi-kings was now at an end; Gabinius deprived Hyrcanus of all political standing, and left him only the charge of the Temple. Thus the struggle of the brave Maccabees ended in the total loss of even the semblance of independence.

Alexander, however, had not yet given up all hope, and in the year 55, after the escape of his father and his brother Antigonus from Roman captivity (56), he again meditated opposition to the Romans. While Gabinius was temporarily absent from Palestine, Alexander gathered around him a considerable force, with which he vanquished such Roman detachments as opposed themselves to him, and compelled the enemy to withdraw to Mount Gerizim. Gabinius hastened back to Palestine from Alexandria, and upon his arrival fortune once more deserted Alexander. A considerable proportion of his force was detached from allegiance by the craftiness of Antipater, leaving him with only 30,000 men, who were unable to withstand Gabinius' attack, and fled from the battle-field of Itabyrium, leaving one-third of their number dead on the field. Alexander seems to have escaped to Syria, where, however, the unfortunate fate which pursued his unhappy family overtook him. In the year 49-48 B.C., just when the good star of the Maccabees, through the favor of Cæsar, seemed once again to be in the ascendant, Alexander, by direct command of Pompey, was beheaded at Antioch by Q. Metellus Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, who was at the time proconsul of Syria.

Bibliography:

• Josephus, Ant. xiv. 4, § 5; 5, § 2; 6, §§ 2, 3; 7, § 4; idem, B. J. i. 7, § 7; 8, §§ 2, 6; 9, §§ 1, 2;
• Grätz, Gesch. d. Juden, 2d ed., ii. 144, 148;
• Schürer, Gesch. i. 241, 276 et seq.

Η δραπέτευση και η εξέγερση του Αλέξανδρου. Ιερουσαλήμ

Το 63 π.Χ. ύστερα από την κατάλυση του Ασμοναϊκού βασίλειου ^[2] ενώ ο ίδιος , οι γονείς του , ο μικρότερος αδελφός του και οι αδελφές του μεταφέρονταν στην Ρώμη ο Αλέξανδρος δραπέτευσε και επέστρεψε στην Ιουδαία ^[3][4].

Αφού συσπείρωσε με την πάροδο των ετών τους οπαδούς του πατέρα του τελικά το 57 π.Χ. σχημάτισε ένα στρατό από 10.000 πεζούς και 1.500 ιππείς και επιτέθηκε εναντίον της Ιερουσαλήμ. Ο θείος του αρχιερέας Υρκανός που βρίσκονταν εκεί μη μπορώντας να αντισταθεί διέφυγε και ο Αλέξανδρος κατέλαβε και οχύρωσε την πόλη^[5][6][7].

Τα γεγονότα αυτά θορύβησαν τον Αύλο Γαβίνιο, που μόλις είχε αναλάβει την θέση του έπαρχου της Συρίας, ο οποίος έστειλε αμέσως εναντίον του ένα απόσπασμα στρατού με επικεφαλής έναν από τους αξιωματικούς του τονΜάρκο Αντώνιο μαζί με έναν στρατό που σχηματίστηκε από οπαδούς του Υρκάνου με επικεφαλής τους στρατηγούς Πειθόλαο και Μάλιχο ενώ ο ίδιος προετοιμάστηκε να ακολουθήσει με τον κύριο όγκο των δυνάμεων του ^[8][9][10].

Ο Αλέξανδρος προετοιμάστηκε για τον επικείμενο ερχομό των αντιπάλων του καταλαμβάνοντας τα φρούρια Αλεξάνδρειo, Μαχαιρούντα και Υρκανία^[11]. Όταν όμως διαπίστωσε την αδυναμία του να αντιμετωπίσει τον στρατό των αντιπάλων του άρχισε να υποχωρεί προς την Ιερουσαλήμ. Τελικά φτάνοντας κοντά στην πόλη αναγκάστηκε να δώσει μάχη υπό δυσμενείς γι’ αυτόν συνθήκες που κατέληξε σε συντριπτική ήττα (3.000 νεκροί και άλλοι τόσοι αιχμάλωτοι) όταν ο Γαβίνιος έφτασε έγκαιρα στο πεδίο της μάχης και πρόλαβε να ενισχύσει τις δυνάμεις του Αντωνίου και των Ιουδαίων στρατηγών του Υρκανού^[12][13][14].

Ο Αλέξανδρος διέφυγε με τα υπολείμματα του στρατού του προς το οχυρό Αλεξάνδρειο. Λίγο πριν φτάσει εκεί, ο Γαβίνιος που τον κατεδίωκε κατά πόδας τον πρόλαβε και του επέφερε νέα βαριά ήττα. Τελικά οι εξουθενωμένοι Ιουδαίοι κλείστηκαν στο οχυρό πολιορκούμενοι από τους Ρωμαίους^[15][16]. Ο Αλέξανδρος ύστερα από διαπραγματεύσεις με τον Γαβίνιο και παρότρυνση της μητέρας του που φοβήθηκε για την τύχη της αιχμάλωτης οικογένειας της που βρίσκονταν στη Ρώμη παραδόθηκε και παρέδωσε τα οχυρά που είχε καταλάβει^[17][18]. Αυτά τα οχυρά ο Γαβίνιος τα κατάστρεψε. Ο Γαβίνιος αποκατέστησε τον Υρκανό στο αξίωμα του και έστειλε πίσω στην Ρώμη τον Αλέξανδρο^[19]. Διέταξε τον εποικισμό πολλών πόλεων που είχαν υποστεί καταστροφές (Σκυθόπολη, Σαμάρεια, Άζωτος, Γάμαλα, Ραφεία, Ανθηδών, Ιαμνεία, Αδώρεος, Απολλωνία, Μαρίσα) ^[20][21] και χώρισε την ιουδαϊκή επικράτεια σε πέντε μέρη εξαφανίζοντας και το παραμικρό ίχνος αυτονομίας^[3][22][23].

Ύστερα από την νέα αποτυχημένη εξέγερση που οργάνωσε ο πατέρας του Αριστόβουλος το επόμενο έτος (56 π.Χ.) ο Αλέξανδρος και ο αδελφός του Αντίγονος Ματταθίας απελευθερώθηκαν και εγκαταστάθηκαν στην Ιουδαία, ύστερα από υπόδειξη του Γαβίνιου προς τις ρωμαϊκές αρχές. Το τέλος της αιχμαλωσίας τους ήταν το αντάλλαγμα, για την παρέμβαση της συζύγου του Αριστόβουλου προς τους οπαδούς του συζύγου της , που έγινε με σκοπό την αναίμακτη παράδοση όσων οχυρών θέσεων κατείχαν ακόμη στους Ρωμαίους^[24][25].

The Jewish Diaspora in the Hellenistic Period

                                                     
                                             A Jewish Synagogue

    The word Diaspora has become as much a part of Jewish vocabulary as pogrom and the Shoah.  Yet the Jewish Diaspora of the Hellenistic period should not be confused with either the Babylonian or the later Roman Diasporas.  The Jewish Diaspora during the Hellenistic period, unlike the earlier Babylonian Diaspora, did not originate because of forced expulsion.  Most of the Jews expelled from Judea by Nebuchadnezzar had returned to the land of Zion.  The Hellenistic Diaspora was, for the most part, a voluntary movement of Jews into the Hellenistic kingdoms that created the Jewish presence outside Judea, especially in Ptolemaic Egypt (Collins, 3).  This Diaspora was wedged between two worlds, on the one side were the Hellenistic values of the Greeks and on the other was the Mosaic law.  The various ways the Jews of the Diaspora, especially the Jews in Alexandria, balanced these two extremes, through the emphasis of common values and loyalty to the monarch, dictated its existence in the Hellenistic World.
    By looking closer at the position of the Jews of Ptolemaic Egypt, their successes and struggles, we can gain a much better perspective on the status of the Jews in the Diaspora during the Hellenistic Period.
    The connection of Jews to the land of Egypt is almost as old as Israel itself, the story of the Exodus is retold every year at Passover.  Judea is strategically located as the only place from which Egypt can be invaded.  In the North the Mediterranean Sea offers perfect cover, the West is protected by the Libyan desert, and the South is secured by the Ethiopian desert.  It is therefore natural that whoever governed Egypt would maintain a direct interest in Judea throughout the Hellenistic period and beyond.
    Some of the Jews came to Egypt voluntarily as mercenaries, and they were subsequently used by the Ptolemaic rulers to defend the throne against the local population (Kasher 3). Some came because they were attracted by Hellenistic culture, a few were coerced into coming to Egypt by false promises of riches.  Jews, as Greek speaking non-Egyptians having the official rank of Hellene, could attain practically all positions under the Ptolemies.  Some Jewish communities existed in other kingdoms and cities, such as the city of Antioch, in Syria under the Seleucids, and the Jews in Babylon who chose not to return from exile. It was especially in the city of Alexandria that Judaism and the Diaspora flourished.
     Like all subjects to authoritarian monarchs, Egyptian Jews had to conform to the changes that came with the differing rulers.  There was a marked difference in the attitudes of different Ptolemaic kings to the presence of Jews in Egypt.  The varying levels of toleration towards Jews shown by the Egyptian kings illustrate the difficult situation that the Jewish Diaspora occasionally found itself in. Ptolemy I conquered Jerusalem, tricking the Jewish defenders by attacking on the Sabbath, and took  100,000 prisoners (an exaggerated figure) to Egypt, many as slaves (Kasher, 3).
    Ptolemy II Philadelphos was much more favorably inclined towards Egyptian Jews, going so far as to free many of the remaining Hebrew slaves, who had been brought to Egypt by his father.  It was also during his rule that the Books of Moses were translated into Greek (Bartlett, 11). This fact shows the influence of the Jews of the Diaspora had on the polytheistic Greek culture.  This event is significant also because it shows the interest of the Hellenistic Greeks in Jewish laws and customs.   Ptolemy IV Philopator persecuted Egyptian Jews and those in Alexandria in particular (Kasher 7).  According to 3 Maccabees, the monarch, being highly devoted to the cult of Dionysus attempted to have the Jews branded with the emblem of Dionysus (3 Macc. 2:29-30).  This was an obvious insult to Jews since the worship of any G-d other than Yahweh constituted a breach of the Mosaic law. (Collins, 67).
     Little is known about the relationship of the Jews with Ptolemy V, however, there is information about Ptolemy VI Philometor.  It was during the rule of Ptolemy VI that upheaval and rebellion against the Seleucids spread through Judea.  It was during this unrest that a new wave of Jewish immigrants came to Egypt.  The refugees were welcomed by Ptolemy VI.  Among the refugees was Onias IV who claimed to be the rightful successor to the high priesthood.  Onias attained important and trusted status in Egypt (Collins, 68-69).  This shows that there was a time in Egypt when even the most traditional Jews, one of which the High Priest undoubtedly was, could attain high status in Greek society.  It is also worth noting that Onias built a Jewish Temple at Leontopolis.  Some historians have suggested that the Temple at Leontopolis was meant to rival the one in Jerusalem, since Onias claimed to be the rightful heir to the post of the High Priest.  Its location, however, suggests that it was only meant to be a sanctuary for Jewish soldiers in the region, as Jewish soldiers played a vital part in the succession disputes that followed the death of Ptolemy Philometor (Collins 70-71).
    The situation in Judea itself also had an effect on the Diaspora.  In 198 BCE Judea was conquered by the Seleucids, yet when the relations between the Hebrews and Seleucid king, Antiochus III, deteriorated and Jews launched the Maccabeean revolt, a wave of Hebrew refugees streamed to Egypt (Collins, 68).  The Maccabees, after their victory, began a policy of persecution of Hellenized Jews in Judea and this policy also contributed to the numbers of Jews in Egypt.
     For the most part, despite occasional persecution, Jews in Ptolemaic Egypt were left alone to practice their religion.  The vast majority of the Jewish Diaspora under the Ptolemies was loyal to the monarchy, and attempted to participate in the society as much as Jewish law and traditions would permit (Collins, 151).  While large Jewish communities were usually organized as separate bodies in Egypt, they did retain a very close connection with Jerusalem, as evident by the fact that several High Priests of Judea came for visits to Alexandria (Kasher, 346).  The cooperation also benefited Judea, as Alexandrian artists were commissioned to repair the Jerusalem Temples damaged accessories (Kasher, 347).  The Jews of Egypt also made pilgrimages to Jerusalem, bringing with them sacrificial gifts and gifts for the priests of the Temple (Kasher, 346).
    Large Jewish communities in Egypt were classified by the Egyptian authorities as Politai, and as such enjoyed the protection of civil laws.  The Jews were a distinct group, they were below the Greeks, however, they were above the native Egyptian population.  This classification does not include Jewish slaves, however, most of them were freed by Ptolemy II.  Jews of Alexandria were not citizens of the Greek polis, nor did they strive to attain citizenship alongside Greeks.  The Alexandrian Jews struggled to maintain their current status, since becoming full citizens would have meant giving up their Jewish identity.  As previously stated, however, the situation and the social position of the Jews would change from monarch to monarch.
     Jewish identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora was maintained largely through ethics and piety.  While most gentiles thought of Judaism as a strange phenomenon, some Greeks admired many of the codes in the Mosaic law.  Several aspects of the law, in particular, found a receptive audience among the gentiles.  Throughout the Hellenistic period there had been a growing movement in some Greek philosophical circles towards monotheism.  In addition, the Stoic and the Cynic movements both criticized idolatry. Therefore Jewish writers in the Diaspora could draw a connection between Judaism and the Greek world.  The ancient Hellenistic historian Hecataeus of Abdera in his account of Judaism, written in the beginning of the Hellenistic Period, characterized the Jewish religion rather favorably.  He noted the humanitarian aspects of the Mosaic law and the vital role of the priesthood (Collins, 156).   The strictness of the Mosaic law on the issue of adultery and homosexuality agreed with many Greek philosophers and movements of the contemporary and yesteryear.  By emphasizing common values, and downplaying practices exclusive to Judaism, such as circumcision, Hellenistic Jewish writers attempted to present their religion as a universal one (Collins, 160).
    There was, however, also negative reaction to the presence of Jews in Greek kingdoms, and to the Jewish religion as a whole.  Many Greeks, during the Hellenistic period, saw certain Jewish customs, such as the attention to diet and cleanliness and, as a result of these, the refusal to interact with and marry non-Jews, as going squarely against Greek ideals.  Much of the evidence of the anti-Jewish feeling at the time can be found in the surviving literature.  An Egyptian priest, Manetho, in a book about the history of Egypt, rewrote the story of the Exodus, as the expulsion of a leper colony (the Jews).  It is also at this time that fables (later known as blood libel, a reference to Jews allegedly using the blood of gentiles for human sacrifices) began to appear, among them that Jews worshipped an ass, and that Jews offered human sacrifices in the Jerusalem Temple (Johnson, 135).  The result of these claims was a sort of Hellenistic anti-Semitism.  In every culture there is distrust of foreigners, especially ones who pride themselves on being different.  The presence of anti-Jewish themes in literature, however, suggests an attempt by some Greeks to ferment anti-Jewish sentiment in the ruling class of Egypt.  Because the Mosaic law discouraged contact with gentiles many Hellenistic Greeks thought that Jews were a selfish people.  As a result many attempts of the Greeks to outlaw the Mosaic law were based on the idea that the Jews had to be made a more social people, like the Greeks.    
    Throughout the Hellenistic period the Jewish Diaspora was caught between two extremes.  One being the strict Mosaic law and Jewish traditions, and the other, Hellenistic values.  While the Jews of the Diaspora attempted to maintain close links with Jerusalem their primary concern was the relation with the current Ptolemaic monarch.  Combined with the constant disputes within Judea itself and the nature of the Jewish religion, the task of the Jews of the Diaspora to blend in while maintaining their Jewish identity was extremely hard, and ultimately the choice became complete assimilation or exile into ghettos.